025 was marked by a discernible increase in authoritarian control over digital spaces and the quickening of trends in motion for several years. The year began with a flurry of legislative measures that demonstrated dual intent of the state: increasing digitalisation for governance and control through technologies. In January, the government introduced the Digital Nation Pakistan Act, 2025, which sought to provide the legal foundation for a move towards digital public infrastructure, part of a larger techno-solutionist approach for governance.

This intent was also apparent in the increased role of information technology in governance, such as the deployment of facial recognition technologies in policing, investment in digitally-enabled public service through the Digital Economy Enhancement Project for Pakistan and reliance on artificial intelligence in smog-control.

Technology now seems to be a central component of governance.

The most troubling developments came in the realm of online speech and expression. The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act was amended in early 2025 to include the offence of Section 26-A on “fake and false information.” It has since been invoked in cases against journalists, activists and dissidents. The amendments also established the Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority with sweeping powers to remove content online, displacing the powers of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority. The amendment was heavily criticised at the time for its potential impact on online freedom of expression. Press clubs and journalists’ organisations across Pakistan staged demonstrations including hunger strikes to register their opposition to the law.

The PECA continues to be used to silence dissent. Several journalists, including Farhan Mallick, Waheed Murad, Khalid Jamil and Sohrab Barkat, have been arrested. Lawyers Imaan Mazari and Hadi Ali Chatta were also charged under the PECA for “anti-state” social media posts. Several human rights organisations have condemned the charges against Imaan and Hadi as well as the manner in which the trial has been proceeding.

Freedom House’s 2025 Freedom on the Net report once again ranked Pakistan as “not free,” assigning it a score of 27 out of 100. Internet shutdowns remained the norm as mobile internet was repeatedly shut down during protests in Balochistan, Azad Jammu and Kashmir and the Punjab. The provincial government attempted to shut down all mobile internet across Balochistan for an entire month in August citing vague grounds, without apparent regard to principles of proportionality and legitimacy. The decision was successfully challenged before the Balochistan High Court. However, the government continued to arbitrarily suspend the internet.

The only bright spot in the year was when the social media platform X (formerly, Twitter) was restored after being blocked for more than 15 months. However, the lack of transparency with which it was unblocked, during a period of heightened tensions between Pakistan and India earlier this year, was indicative of the arbitrary nature of the process rather than a genuine victory for freedom of expression in the country. The conflict in May also saw social media accounts of Pakistani celebrities, journalists, politicians and news outlets being blocked in India, reminding us that online censorship is a regional not a national trend. X reported that India had requested that over 8,000 accounts, mainly from Pakistan, be blocked.

The year also proved that the more things change, the more they stay the same, particularly in terms of the lack of protections online. Another year has thus passed without a data protection law in the country—Pakistan remains behind the rest of the world in terms of privacy and data protection. This has meant that accountability for data leaks and misuse of personal information remained elusive as worrying reports trickled in about data of Pakistani users, including SIM owners’ addresses, call logs, copies of national identity cards and foreign travel details, being leaked and sold on the internet.

While the government continued to deny reports of unlawful mass surveillance, Amnesty International found that Pakistan has obtained technology from companies based in China, Germany, France, the UAE, Canada and the US for its new national firewall, an extension of the web monitoring system and the Lawful Intercept Management System.

Another constant was technology-facilitated gender-based violence. The murder of Sana Yousaf, a teenager with an active online presence, by a man who stalked her was a grim reminder that women and girls in Pakistan remain extremely vulnerable online and offline. Two teenage girls were killed by their fathers in Quetta and Rawalpindi over their TikTok activity. Digital Rights Foundation repeatedly sounded the alarm on the proliferation of gendered misinformation and misogyny, including in the wake of Sana’s murder. Analysing 180 comments across TikTok, Instagram, Facebook and X after Sana’s murder, DRF found false or exaggerated claims rooted in misogynistic stereotypes justifying the attack. Nearly ten years since Qandeel Baloch’s murder by her brother, occupying digital spaces remains a dangerous, potentially life-threatening task for women and girls in Pakistan.

The end of the year often invites introspection and a resolve to do better; however, if the trends over the last few years are anything to go by, there is little room for celebration as Pakistan stumbles towards an era marked by AI and technologies developed by big tech with incoherent policies and approaches in an attempt for greater authoritarian control.

The writer is a researcher and campaigner on human and digital rights issues.