India has initiated its first high-level contact with Pakistan since the 87-hour war between the nuclear-armed neighbours in May, as Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar approached National Assembly Speaker Ayaz Sadiq in the Bangladesh parliament, where officials from several nations were present to condole late Begum Khaleda Zia. In another positive development, the Foreign Office spokesperson on Thursday said that Pakistan and India exchanged the lists of their nuclear installations under a special agreement prohibiting them from attacking each other’s nuclear facilities. Observers see this as a positive confidence-building step. The FO spokesperson said the two countries also exchanged lists of prisoners in each other’s custody through diplomatic channels. It may be recalled that relations between the two sides have remained tense and strained following last year’s conflict in May. Soon after the terrorist attack in Pahalgam back in April, India unilaterally decided to place the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance. This was seen as an act of war by Pakistan. Despite losing the conflict, India did not budge an inch from its hostile position. In a move termed by Pakistan as a deliberate weaponisation of water, India also fast-tracked massive hydropower projects on the Chenab River, escalating tensions over the IWT. Pakistan maintains that New Delhi is aggressively manipulating river flows while building some of the largest dams in the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir.
And hostility has not been confined to diplomacy and security. We also saw the handshake fiasco last year during India and Pakistan’s Asia Cup match, when the Indian team refused to shake hands with their Pakistani counterparts at the toss and after the game. It was a sorry spectacle to see a sporting event turn into a political one. This was clearly done to appease Modi’s regime. Giving such an antagonistic message on a sports field was widely described as a pathetic move, yet sections of the Indian media celebrated the team’s unsportsmanlike behaviour. Against this backdrop, the interaction in Dhaka matters. One hopes this reflects a realisation in New Delhi that fake propaganda, unilateral attacks, a consequential military setback and petty gestures on sporting fields have brought India little beyond embarrassment. Meanwhile, Speaker Ayaz Sadiq has described Jaishankar as a shrewd politician who understood the significance and optics of the moment.
This is a positive development, particularly as analysts have warned that 2026 could otherwise bring renewed acrimony. An American think tank recently cautioned that another armed confrontation over IIOJK carries a moderate likelihood and impact, with the potential to push both nuclear-armed neighbours back towards military confrontation. Pakistan has made several peace overtures even after the May war. So far, however, the Modi government has largely responded with disdain rather than dialogue. If this brief encounter signals a shift, it should be followed by substance. Observers argue that India may finally be realising that without negotiating with Pakistan and without addressing core disputes – foremost among them Occupied Kashmir – peace will remain elusive. India’s bullying posture has not worked. Its hegemonic ambitions have failed to materialise, alienating many of its neighbours. Even globally, India is increasingly viewed with scepticism as it drifts further towards an exclusionary, right-wing Hindutva state. The world is also not blind to the region’s realities. Allegations about cross-border destabilisation, information warfare and proxy tactics cut both ways, and India’s narrative has increasingly been questioned. In this context, symbolic gestures such as handshakes and exchanges of lists are welcome, but they are no substitute for sustained engagement. The hope is that 2026 brings a recalibration in New Delhi’s foreign policy.
