omination is a condition under which individuals or groups lack the capacity to make autonomous decisions regarding their political and economic affairs. In such contexts, external actors determine resource use; and the dominated exercise minimal influence in political and social structures.

Colonialism and hegemony represent explicit manifestations of domination. Colonialism typically involves a powerful group or nation displacing indigenous populations from their ancestral lands, often through violence or by creating conditions that force migration or displacement. Contemporary examples include Palestine and Indian-administered Kashmir.

A less overt form of colonialism involves persuading local populations to sell their lands at low prices, subsequently relegating them to subordinate roles in their own territories. While some employment opportunities may be offered, positions of authority remain with dominant groups. Simultaneously, the language, culture and identity of the local population are gradually supplanted by those of the dominant power through a persistent process.

Historically, in regions including Africa, the Americas and South Asia, indigenous elites have resisted domination. However, in exchange for incentives such as land, political appointments or financial rewards, many ultimately collaborated with colonisers, thereby facilitating external control over their communities.

Prolonged domination can become internalised in the collective psychology of successive generations. Consequently, the dominated may perceive colonisers as benefactors and seek to emulate them, showing greater respect for outsiders than for members of their own community. This internalisation can redirect frustration inward, resulting in intra-community conflict rather than resistance against external powers. In Pakistan, such dynamics manifest as generational tensions, internal conflicts labelled as terrorism and a propensity to target one’s own community while appealing to external authorities.

To mitigate the risk of violent outcomes, it is essential to implement social, political and educational initiatives that systematically challenge and reduce domination.

Do local communities in Pakistan exercise control over decisions regarding key resources, such as forests, water and land? Are members of the local population employed in sectors such as forestry and education? Are local educators represented in regional schools? Are women from the local community employed in girls’ educational institutions? Have the lands of local communities been historically appropriated? Are local populations included in decision-making processes related to tourism development? Are local communities recognised as legitimate owners of natural resources? Are indigenous populations adequately represented in bureaucratic and administrative structures? Do local communities have access to educational institutions of standards comparable to those available to dominant groups? Are local populations perceived as backward or inferior? Is there a tendency among local populations to take pride in imposed identities rather than their own? Does the younger generation maintain trust in its elders? Are local languages and histories being abandoned in favour of those of dominant groups? Are the cultural expressions of local communities undervalued in comparison to those of dominant cultures? Are place names being replaced with names in dominant languages? Is education delivered in local tongues?

Negative responses to most of these questions indicate marginalisation and subjugation.

In this sense, Pakistan may be seen as affected by neo-colonialism. Within the country, on the other hand, dominant groups maintain political, cultural and economic control over smaller ethnic communities through policies and institutional structures.

After 9/11 many states acquired new tools to suppress dissent. Those demanding civil and political rights are frequently labelled as “terrorists,” “anti-state” and “foreign-sponsored.” This is meant to silence the marginalised voices. Meanwhile, those exercising domination are framed as patriotic.

While four major ethnic groups in Pakistan enjoy a degree of political agency, dozens of smaller communities remain marginalised. These communities are often absorbed into larger identities. In northern Pakistan, several such groups are collectively identified as Dardic people. Despite linguistic diversity, they share some cultural similarities. Historical processes of colonisation have fragmented them so that small sub-groups lie isolated in narrow valleys.

In many cases their political centres are no more, their collective strength has weakened and their histories have been forgotten. Many have reshaped themselves in accordance with the image imposed by the coloniser. Admiration for the coloniser has replaced self-confidence.

Philosophers from Plato to Nietzsche have emphasised that human beings possess an inherent desire for dignity, recognition and self-worth. Plato called this thumos; Nietzsche described it as self-affirmation.

This psychological drive manifests in individuals and communities as a need for identity and recognition. From this emerges identity politics, which, like class struggle, becomes a form of resistance against domination, cultural assimilation and economic exploitation.

This consciousness exists even where it is not always visible. It intensifies when combined with material deprivation but is not driven by economic factors alone. Psychological motivation—such as the desire for respect and recognition—also play a crucial role.

Pluralism and harmony cannot be achieved without acknowledging this need for recognition as a fundamental human right. In the absence of equitable rights, globalisation risks becoming a form of social Darwinism, where only the strongest groups survive.

The primary responsibility for overcoming domination rests with the affected communities. As they do not share the lived experience of subjugation, dominant powers seldom act from genuine empathy.

Indigenous communities must therefore act on multiple fronts to ensure intellectual development and empowerment of youth through enhanced access to knowledge; seek cultural and social revival, reconstruct identity and foster community consciousness; reinforce local economic systems; and participate in organised efforts within constitutional frameworks.

At the policy level, it is essential to acknowledge these regions as underdeveloped and to provide targeted support for education, forestry, water resources, hydropower, tourism and employment.

A unified political movement representing the marginalised peoples is necessary. Its key objectives will include advocacy for rights and representation; building local leadership; creating a strong collective voice in centres of power; and maintaining a meaningful dialogue with the state.

This movement should seek justice within the existing state framework.

Scholars, activists and political workers from several regions including Swat, Chitral, Dir, Kohistan and Gilgit-Baltistan have been deliberating on such an initiative. They have recognised the indifference of major political parties toward local rights and have begun formulating strategies for a unified struggle.

This task is challenging but not impossible.

Significant change always requires sustained effort, courage and effective organisation. Only a strong and unified movement can ensure that historically marginalised communities are recognised in the centres of power and can secure their rightful place with dignity.

The writer is a co-founder and executive director of Idara Baraye Taleem wa Taraqi