Spiritual politics

Dr Mazhar Abbas
December 7, 2025

The relationship between pirs and their murids shapes and sustains the culture of the shrines

Spiritual politics


P

akistan has over 3,000 well-known Sufi shrines besides more lesser-known ones. The actual number has yet to be established. One can safely say meanwhile that they are found in nearly every corner of the country. These Sufi shrines have long served as centres of political authority, economic power and social influence. Their custodians, called sajjada nashin(s), are in a unique position to exploit or manipulate economic resources, cultural influence and religious beliefs for personal gain.

The sajjada nashins derive their authority and power from the followers, known as murids, who are spiritually obligated to adhere to their masters, the pirs/ sajjada nashins. As a result of this spiritual connection between the pirs and murids, the latter often make regular donations to the shrines. These donations can take the form of money, livestock, agricultural produce, land, vehicles and other commodities. Their size depends on their economic condition of the donor. These donations ultimately become the property of the sajjada nashins, who are free to it to wield their economic power.

The followers, or murids also function as a voting constituency for their masters or pirs, who cultivate and sustain their political influence either through direct political engagement and the exploitation of their followers’ loyalty or by presenting their followers as electoral blocs to other politicians. The pirs, acting as counselors and advisors to political leaders, also confer religious authority onto them and obtain financial support, subsidies and legal immunity. Collaboration with politicians often enhances their popularity and reputation in their constituencies.

The relationship between the pirs and the murids shapes and sustains the culture of the shrines. For example, murids visit the shrines to make some vows. They may tie threads or use locks. These cultural practices at the shrines help pirs build and strengthen their authority over the murids. Therefore, the murids form the basic building blocks of the power - economic, social and political - that pirs hold and exercise.

However, I recently visited a Sufi shrine that functions not as a source of economic power, political authority or social influence. Instead, it serves as a hub for social welfare and a learning centre.

I planned to organise a seminar titled Countering Extremist Ideologies in Pakistan through Sufism and/ or Interfaith Harmony, featuring Prof Dr TanvirAnjum from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, and Dr Tarunjit Singh Butalia from Ohio State University, USA, as speakers. The seminar was scheduled for Monday, December 1, at Government College University, Faisalabad. However, one of the speakers, Prof Dr Tanvir Anjum, arrived in Faisalabad on Saturday, November 29, intending to visit the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali. As his host, I accompanied her to the shrine. This visit turned out to be one of the most valuable learning experiences of my life.

The shrine of Sufi Muhammad Barkat Ali Ludhianvi (1911-1997), popularly known as Abu Anees, is situated 16 kilometres from Faisalabad, near Dasuha, on the Faisalabad-Samundri Road. He belonged to 14 spiritual orders, including the well-known Qadiriyya, Chishti and Naqshbandi orders.

Sufi Barkat Ali did not designate anyone as his successor or the custodian of his shrine. Consequently, unlike most other shrines in Pakistan, this shrine has no sajjada nashin overseeing its operations. A dedicated team of his devotees manages its affairs.

It is interesting to note that the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali has no donation boxes.

Visitors frequently bring flowers to Sufi shrines across the country. I did not come across any at the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali.

Many devotees visit the shrines to offer their vows. While making these vows, they employ various methods as symbols, including tying threads or locks at the shrines. No such practices are observed at the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali.

During visits to most shrines, we encounter beggars. I did not come across any in the vicinity or at the entrance of the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali. While I was at the shrine, an old woman saw a boy in a wheelchair and gave him some money, recognising him as someone in need. A security guard approached the woman, instructing her to take the money back because this was a violation of the shrine’s protocol.

The shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali provides social welfare services. This sets it apart from most other shrines in Pakistan. Sufi Barkat Ali founded the non-political, non-profit religious organisation known as Dar-ul-Ehsan. A Dar-ul-Shifa has been established in Salarwala under this organisation’s umbrella, providing free medical services to those in need. Eye camps are organised annually in March and October, offering free eye treatment to numerous individuals.

Sufi Barkat Ali established the first Quran Mahal in Pakistan in 1974. The Quran Mahal houses more than 200,000 copies of the Holy Quran, including some rare manuscripts dating back centuries. One of those is a nearly 400-year-old one using gold leaf and precious stones. It is said to have been used by Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. In addition to the Holy Quran, the Mahal houses various rare and historic artifacts. This collection of Quran Mahal gives two impressions: 1) promotion of a reading or education culture; and 2) preservation of valuable, rare and historic artifacts, aiming at preserving history.

To conclude, unlike many other shrines in Pakistan, the shrine of Sufi Barkat Ali does not serve as a place for deriving or maintaining economic power, political authority or social influence. Moreover, it presents a unique model of managing the shrine and its day-to-day affairs. Furthermore, it aims to serve the poor and the needy through social welfare services, including free medical care. Lastly, it values both the promotion of education and the preservation of history.


Mazhar Abbas, author of The Aftermath of the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Enduring Impact (Routledge, 2024), has a PhD in history from Shanghai University. He is a lecturer at GCU, Faisalabad, and a research fellow at PIDE, Islamabad. He can be contacted at [email protected]His X-handle is @MazharGondal87.

Spiritual politics