egislators from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and the Pakistan Peoples Party had no answer to remarks passed by the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf chairman Barrister Gohar during a debate in the National Assembly on December 1. He said, “It is they who called each other ‘thieves,’ not us. It is they who accused each other, not us.”

Be that as it may, the two parties have come a long way from the bitter past.

An important element that has held their allegedly manufactured alliance together has been former prime minister Imran Khan, arguably the most popular leader in the country. This aspect alone can keep both the parties—once staunch political rivals—on the same page. Khan has been in jail since August, 2023. His party, the PTI, surprised both the PPP and the PML-N as well as the powerful establishment in the general elections in February, 2024. The PML-N and the PPP know that they can’t go too far against each other. Their differences on issues like potential changes to the 18th Amendment or the National Finance Commission, distribution of resources etc may not take them to a point of no return. Their war of words against each other, particularly between the Punjab and Sindh leaders, may continue but will not turn into a real political battle any time soon.

Following the 27th Amendment, PPP chairman Bilawal Bhutto made a hard-hitting speech in Karachi during an event marking the party’s 58th Foundation Day. Amid criticism of the party over its support for the 26th and 27th Amendments, he declared that the party would not allow any changes to the 18th Amendment or the NFC. Bhutto defended his party’s position and role in the making of the Federal Constitutional Court, which he said was part of the Charter of Democracy, signed by two former premiers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. How far the two parties have progressed in implementing the 2006 charter is a different story altogether.

Despite a barrage of speculation regarding a strained relationship among the trio—the PML-N, the PPP and the powerful establishment, no serious differences have emerged on issues that could lead to political unrest. How far this cordiality can last is anyone’s guess. As far as Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif is concerned, he is not under any serious pressure.

Following the 27th Amendment, political standing of both the PML-N and the PPP has grown weaker. Despite favourable results in the recently held by-elections on 13 seats of the National and Provincial Assemblies, which the ruling party won—even in a PTI constituency, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif and Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz know that they are not in a comfort zone. While the PPP has almost vanished in the Punjab, the February 2024 elections have left the PML-N insecure in the province it has ruled long.

The PML-N is in a far more difficult position than the PPP. For the PPP, there is no immediate threat from the PTI in Sindh barring in Karachi, where the latter has a footprint. The PML-N, on the other hand, has a big stake in the Punjab. They have never faced the kind of challenge they are facing now as the PTI has made strong inroads in both central and southern Punjab.

Since ousting Imran Khan through a vote of no confidence, the PML-N paid a heavy price for its choices. It may have been in a much better position had it called elections soon after the vote of no confidence. The 16-month rule before the 2024 general elections turned out to be a disaster for the Sharifs and the PML-N. The party has not entirely recovered from it and though they lead governments at the Centre and in the Punjab, they are finding it difficult to regain the lost glory of the so-called Takht-i-Punjab.

The PPP lost the Punjab to the PML-N in the 1980s. Till 2008, the party had a strong presence in the Punjab. However, in the 2013 elections, it was practically wiped out and replaced by the PTI. In the last two elections—2018 and 2024—the party could not regain even some of the lost ground.

In early 2022, when the two parties decided to move a vote of no confidence against then prime minister Imran Khan, the latter’s popularity was declining. The PTI had lost most of the by-elections since 2020. Many believe that former army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa brought the PML-N and the PPP on the same page after the PPP had pulled out of the Pakistan Democratic Movement in 2021 following a heated exchange between Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari over the strategy to oust Imran Khan. Sharif had then wanted all MNAs to resign ahead of a march on Islamabad. Zardari, however, wanted to first march to Islamabad and then decide his strategy. That decisive meeting was chaired by Maulana Fazul-ur Rahman. This scribe was witness to the events in the meeting held at the residence of PML-N leader Tariq Fazal Chaudhry.

A love-hate relationship has existed between the two mainstream political parties since the mid 1980s. They have not only conspired to overthrow each other’s governments but also been used against each other by powerful quarters.

After the 27th Amendment, the PML-N and the PPP have little choice but to stick together for as long as they agree on the PTI and Imran Khan.

The writer is a columnist and analyst for GEO, Jang and The News. His X handle: @MazharAbbasGEO.