COP30 in Belem unfolded in a setting that held both political symbolism and ecological gravity. The Amazon is a living system that stabilises the climate for the entire planet. So, hosting the summit in this landscape brought indigenous communities to the centre of the global stage. Their presence, demonstrations, ancestral knowledge and moral authority altered the atmosphere inside the negotiation halls. They reminded the world that climate decisions are not theoretical rather they determine the fate of people whose survival depends on the health of their land and forests.
Yet, even in Belem, the signs of a widening global climate disorder were visible. The summit took place without meaningful leadership from the US whose absence from deeper ambition created a political vacuum. The fossil fuel lobby continued to exert pressure across negotiations and several promised climate finance pathways remained without operational clarity.
The developing countries arrived at COP30 carrying the burden of repeated climate disasters, inflated debt and a global finance system that has struggled to respond with scale. They did not come seeking sympathy but they came seeking justice. Although COP30 could not close all the historical gaps in climate governance, it produced political signals that matter for the future of the Global South.
The most visible shift at COP30 was the strength and coordination of developing countries. The Group of 77 with China, the African Group, small island states and climate vulnerable economies negotiated with a unity that influenced every major outcome.
Two results stood out. The first is the global roadmap to curb deforestation which was reinforced through the launch of the Tropical Forests Forever Facility valued at five point five billion dollars. The facility aims to provide long term resources for countries protecting large forest basins. It recognises that conservation has global value and requires predictable support. For forest nations, this was a long awaited acknowledgement that protecting ecosystems cannot be treated as an unfunded mandate.
The second is the political agreement to move away from fossil fuels in a fair, orderly and responsible manner. While nations differ in their pace, the agreement acknowledges that structural transformation must occur, and it must occur without harming energy poor populations or penalising economies that lack access to clean technologies.
Climate finance remained the core challenge of COP30, yet two developments strengthened the negotiating position of developing countries.
One is the continued operationalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund. Although resources remain insufficient, the fund is now functional and opened call for proposals for submission. But commitments are limited to $788 million only. It represents an overdue recognition that vulnerable countries face climate impacts that cannot be adapted to and must be compensated.
The second is the progress towards a clearer Global Goal on Adaptation. Negotiators reached an early consensus on the framework. The text now provides direction on priority areas including food systems, water security, public health and resilient housing.
A major setback was the confirmation that the $1.3 trillion climate finance target will be delayed until 2035. For developing countries, this delay weakens the credibility of the global finance system and pushes adaptation needs further into uncertainty.
The scientific groups also pushed the agenda on black carbon. They emphasised that black carbon is a super pollutant released from crop residue burning, industries and biomass burning that accelerates glacier melt, intensifies floods and worsens respiratory health. This resonated strongly with South Asian and African states that experience severe air pollution and smog and rely on glacier systems for water.
A major achievement of COP30 was the formal recognition of indigenous knowledge within the climate action agenda. This was not a symbolic gesture rather it acknowledged that centuries of ecological wisdom held by indigenous communities must guide climate planning. In the Amazon, their knowledge determines how forests survive. In Pakistan, mountain communities, pastoral groups and coastal fishers hold similar insights that can strengthen adaptation and resilience.
The RAIZ (Resilient Agriculture Investment for Net-Zero Land Degradation) initiative announced by Brazil further reinforced this approach. As RAIZ seeks to support global effort to restore degraded farmland and accelerate investment in climate-resilient agriculture via public-private capital. It integrates social justice with climate protection and sets a precedent for people centred climate strategies.
A decisive undercurrent at COP30 was the growing use of trade as climate policy. Many developing countries warned that climate ambitions cannot turn into disguised trade restrictions. However, China, in particular, drew attention to the risks of carbon border adjustments and cautioned that instruments similar to CBAM must not penalise products from countries that lack access to clean technologies or concessional finance. This pushed the debate towards fairness in climate linked trade rules.
The summit made it clear that trade can no longer be separated from climate governance. For developing countries, the challenge now is to ensure climate policies do not distort markets or hinder industrial development.
Both at COP30 and during G20 deliberations, it became clear that trade and climate cannot be separated any longer. The challenge now is to ensure climate measures do not create new inequalities.
The coalition of G77 with China played a central role in the future direction of compliance global carbon markets. They demanded transparency, environmental integrity and equitable benefit sharing in Article Six. They also urged the global community to avoid repeating past mistakes where carbon credits flowed to wealthier states while generating limited gains for the host countries.
Their stance reframed carbon markets as instruments that must support national transitions rather than extract value. This was one of the strongest collective positions put forward by the Global South at COP30.
Pakistan entered COP30 with a sharper, more strategic climate narrative. It presented itself as a climate vulnerable state that is also developing new pathways for prosperity, resilience and clean development.
Three achievements reflect Pakistan’s evolving climate identity:
The first is the launch of its national Climate Prosperity Plan which reframes climate action as a driver of economic transformation. It outlines green growth opportunities, risk reduction pathways and systemic resilience. The plan positioned Pakistan as a country that seeks to build prosperity through climate compatible development. Think tanks like SDPI also highlighted the role of private sector for upscaling domestic climate finance.
The second is the strong representation of sub national climate action like Punjab showcased the Suthra Punjab programme which focuses on cleaner cities, improved waste management and circular practices. Also Sindh presented its Flood Housing Reconstruction project which is emerging as one of the most extensive climate resilient housing efforts in the region. Balochistan highlighted severe water scarcity, shrinking groundwater and the urgent need for large scale investment in drought management and storage systems. These provincial showcases demonstrated the diversity of climate challenges within Pakistan and the local solutions being designed in response.
The third achievement is Pakistan’s growing credibility in renewable energy. Civil society organisations and delegations from think tanks expressed interest in the rapid expansion of rooftop solar adoption across households, industries and commercial buildings. Pakistan showed that energy transitions are possible even under fiscal stress when communities and markets play an active role.
For Pakistan, COP30 became a platform to show its evolving climate ambitions. Through provincial showcases, the national Climate Prosperity Plan, the rise of rooftop solar and progress on circular economy transitions, Pakistan demonstrated that it is moving from reactive responses towards strategic transformation.
COP30 reflected both progress and fracture. The Global South displayed political strength. Forest nations gained new financial tools. Adaptation gained a more visible place, indigenous knowledge entered formal climate governance, while trade and climate politics came closer than ever and reforms in carbon markets gained momentum.
Yet the disorder remained visible.
The US remained largely absent from deeper commitments, the fossil fuel lobby diluted ambition, the key finance flows have no operational clarity.
The global system still struggles with delivery but COP30 made one fact clear: the Global South is no longer a silent participant. Rather, it is shaping the future of climate governance and Pakistan has started to find its place within that emerging leadership.
The writer is an environmentalscientist and leads the ecological sustainability and circular economy programme at the SustainableDevelopment Policy Institute (SDPI), Islamabad. She is also a member ofthe Punjab Climate Change Committee.
