In the Afghan mind, negotiation is war by other means — and the jirgamar is its general. His weapons are time, ambiguity, and dignity. Engagement with Afghans is not linear; it is circular, layered, and symbolic.
The jirgamar operates through three core codes: ‘Nang’ — tribal honour; ‘Badal’ — revenge as justice; and ‘Qaum’ — collective decision-making and consent. The jirgamar employs three tools of influence: Time — to exhaust and outlast; Ambiguity — to keep options open; and Hospitality — to disarm and engage. To the jirgamar, negotiation is not a session — it is a campaign with three objectives: shape perception, test endurance, and secure dignity before agreement.
The jirgamar believes in ‘diluting anger with time.’ He will stretch talks to exhaust urgency on the other side. He will leave outcomes open-ended. He will use flexible language, vague promises — yes, this is deliberate, not careless.
The jirgamar believes in ‘Rawan’ - re-routing tough questions, creating ‘side lanes’ in conversation. His objective: to test how badly you need closure. Tawqif is suspending talks for prayer, food, or consultation. His objective: to reset emotional tempo. Musalaha is invoking shared history or brotherhood to soften the opponent’s stance; often a tactical bridge before the demand.
Yes, ‘Faisla’ is when the other side shows fatigue, the jirgamar offers compromise — always leaving himself a way to revisit the deal later. For the jirgamar, urgency is interpreted as weakness. The jirgamar will always avoid straight “yes/no” demands.
The Afghan art of negotiation is a battlefield of patience. It is not deceitful; it is deeply cultural, grounded in tribal memory and pride.
Pakistan must listen fully, then pivot to operational facts. Pakistan should respond with data and empathy, not rebuttal. This time around, Pakistan’s military and diplomatic teams must secure tangible wins.
First and foremost, Pakistan must secure a written and monitored pledge from the Afghan side to dismantle Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) camps in Kunar,
Nangarhar, and Paktika by January 2026. Without verification, every assurance remains psychological, not operational. A 90-day implementation calendar: removal of sanctuaries, disarmament milestones, and border intelligence exchange.
Second, a Türkiye-led or tripartite verification body to track ceasefire violations, infiltration, and cross-border firing by December 2025. Remember, Afghans respect neutral witnesses; Turkish oversight preserves honour for both sides.
Third, define a 25 km buffer strip focused on infiltration hotspots bordering North/South Waziristan, Bajaur, and Kurram. Require Afghan Taliban forces to withdraw from the zone, prohibiting TTP bases or training camps. A jointly verified 25 km Afghan strip inside Afghanistan connected by five controlled crossing corridors and overseen by a Joint Border Commission (JBC).
Using Turkish or Qatari facilitators is an excellent idea as it helps bridge tribal face-saving gaps. Istanbul cannot be seen as “just another round” of talks. It’s structured — explicitly — to shift from truce toward institutionalised mechanisms. Miss this, and escalation becomes the default fallback. Remember, only what is verified endures; all else is narrative.
Pakistan must master the jirgamar’s battlefield of patience by locking in TTP camp dismantlement, a Türkiye-led verification body, and a 25 km buffer zone by early 2026. Pakistan must transform Afghan negotiations from circular promises to concrete security wins.
