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Priced out of COP30

September 11, 2025
A drone view shows the Parque da Cidade, one of the principal venues to host COP30 in November, in Belem, Brazil June 28, 2025. — AFP
A drone view shows the "Parque da Cidade", one of the principal venues to host COP30 in November, in Belem, Brazil June 28, 2025. — AFP 

As the countdown to COP30 in Belem, Brazil enters its final stretch, optimism about advancing global climate action is rapidly giving way to apprehension.

What was billed as a pivotal conference for raising ambition under the Paris Agreement is increasingly under fire for becoming the most expensive COP ever. From inflated accommodation rates to skyrocketing flight fares and logistical expenses, climate experts, activists and negotiators – particularly those from the Global South – fear being priced out of the very negotiations that will decide their futures.

If left unaddressed, COP30 risks not only being remembered for its prohibitive costs but also as a summit that alienated the very communities and countries most vulnerable to climate change. For many observers, it feels like another step in the steady drift of COPs away from their core mission – mobilising urgent climate finance and action – and further towards being business-oriented mega-events.

Belem, a symbolic host city located at the heart of the Amazon, is facing unprecedented demand for accommodation and services. Hotel prices have reportedly quadrupled, while limited capacity has forced organisers and delegates to seek options several hours away. Flights to northern Brazil have spiked, with fares far exceeding typical rates for international travel. Even basic logistics, from food to local transportation, have become unaffordable, creating barriers not only for observers and activists but also for smaller delegations from the least developed countries and climate-vulnerable states.

For grassroots representatives, civil society organisations, youth activists and indigenous leaders – supposed to be the moral conscience of the COP process – these costs present an existential barrier to participation. While large delegations from wealthy countries and corporate actors can absorb the expenses, many vulnerable nations such as Pakistan and their allies in civil society risk being absent or underrepresented. This undermines not only inclusivity but also the very legitimacy of the summit.

The criticisms being levelled at COP30 are not entirely new. Over the past decade, the UN climate conferences have grown in scale and spectacle, attracting tens of thousands of participants, corporate sponsorships and massive pavilions from governments and industries. COP21 in Paris, while celebrated for delivering the Paris Agreement, was criticised for corporate influence and exclusionary costs. COP26 in Glasgow left civil society complaining of limited access, long queues and unaffordable stays. I experienced this first-hand during COP26, when soaring accommodation prices forced me to stay in Edinburgh rather than Glasgow, enduring exhausting daily train journeys just to attend the summit. Likewise, COP28 in Dubai was branded by activists as the ‘fossil fuel COP’, with the unprecedented presence of oil and gas lobbyists overshadowing climate justice concerns.

This steady commercial tilt has left many questioning whether COPs still serve as platforms for genuine negotiation or whether they have morphed into global trade fairs. COP30’s ballooning costs only amplify this concern, reinforcing the perception that COPs have become less about the vulnerable and more about high-level deal-making behind closed doors.

Unlike earlier conferences, COP30 carries outsized expectations. It is the first summit after the Global Stocktake at COP28, which made clear that current commitments fall dangerously short of the 1.5 C pathway. It is also a crucial staging ground for discussions on the New Collective Quantified Goal on climate finance, which must replace the unmet $100 billion annual pledge with a $300 billion pledge. If vulnerable countries and civil society are priced out of meaningful participation, negotiations risk being tilted toward the interests of wealthy nations and corporate actors. That would further erode trust in the UNFCCC process at precisely the moment when credibility and ambition are most needed.

With just less than two months left, the Brazil Presidency and the UNFCCC Secretariat still have an opportunity to salvage COP30’s inclusivity and credibility. They must negotiate with hotels and partners to cap room rates, and they should urgently establish low-cost alternatives such as university dormitories, hostels, or even modular housing for delegates and civil society groups. Airlines and donors could be enlisted to create subsidised flight routes and travel grants for Global South delegates.

Transparency in logistics is vital, ensuring clear and early information about transport and accommodation to prevent price exploitation. Local NGOs and civil society in Brazil could also be mobilised to provide volunteer-based logistical support. Beyond physical attendance, hybrid participation should be expanded, giving observers unable to travel the ability to follow and influence negotiations through real-time digital access. The fact is that cutting corners on inclusivity now will ultimately cost the process far more in terms of legitimacy and trust.

Vulnerable countries, meanwhile, cannot afford to remain silent. They must push for emergency consultations with the UNFCCC Secretariat and the Brazil Presidency focused specifically on accessibility and affordability. Collective action through blocs such as the G77+China, the LDC Group and AOSIS needs to amplify demands and ensure this does not remain an isolated concern. Media and civil society pressure will also be crucial in spotlighting the exclusionary risks of COP30, forcing organisers to respond. By engaging proactively, vulnerable countries can help ensure that COP30 remains a platform where their voices are heard, rather than one dominated by wealthy delegations and corporate actors.

The problems facing COP30, however, are symptomatic of a deeper issue: the need to fundamentally rethink how COPs are designed, funded and hosted. The UNFCCC must adopt systemic reforms to prevent repetition. Host countries should be required to guarantee affordable accommodation, capped flight pricing and transparent logistics before being confirmed as venues.

Future COPs must prioritise locations with adequate infrastructure and accessibility for Global South participants, rather than being swayed by symbolic prestige. Dedicated funding should be established to support civil society participation, ensuring that grassroots voices are not left behind. Hybrid formats could be considered, decentralising some events to regional hubs to ease pressure and costs. Finally, the scale of ‘expo-style’ pavilions should be curtailed, refocusing COPs on their true purpose: advancing climate ambition and finance.

COP30 should have been a historic summit – the first in the Amazon, a test of the Paris Agreement’s credibility, and a chance to elevate the voices of the most vulnerable. Instead, it risks being remembered as the most exclusionary and commercialised COP to date. The Brazil Presidency and the UNFCCC must act decisively to lower barriers, subsidise costs and restore inclusivity. Equally, the Global South must press relentlessly for solutions, refusing to accept marginalisation at the very table meant to safeguard their futures. Looking ahead, the UNFCCC must embed affordability and inclusivity into COP planning so that COP31 and beyond do not repeat COP30’s mistakes.

For the world’s most vulnerable, the cost of exclusion from these talks is far greater than inflated hotel bills. It is, quite literally, the cost of a future without a livable climate. In the end, the dictum holds: ‘Justice delayed is justice denied’. COP30 must not delay justice any further.


The writer is a climate governance expert. He can be reached at: [email protected]