Cross-border militancy

Sher Ali Khalti
April 5, 2026

Afghanistan is no longer a contained crisis; it is exporting insecurity to neighbouring countries

Cross-border  militancy


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fghanistan is at a critical crossroads. It is no longer just a fragile state; rather, it has evolved into a volatile ecosystem where terrorism, ideological extremism, economic fragility and trans-national militancy intersect. This convergence has created a pressure chamber with the potential to destabilise not only its immediate neighbours but the wider region as well. In this context, Pakistan has emerged as a strategic barrier limiting the spillover of this instability. Yet, as pressures mount in Afghanistan, the strain on this containment is becoming increasingly evident.

It is essential to distinguish between the Afghan people and the forces shaping the current crisis. Ordinary Afghans, who have endured decades of war, displacement and economic hardship, are not the source of the threat. The threat stems from a political order that combines rigid absolutism, militant governance and trans-national terrorist linkages. Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, Afghanistan has transformed into a permissive hub for a wide range of militant and terrorist organisations.

International monitoring has highlighted the presence of more than 20 terrorist groups operating out of Afghanistan. These include Al-Qaeda, Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria-Khorasan Province and the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. There are 20,000 to 23,000 militants, a significant fraction of them foreign nationals. Their presence has created an environment where extremist networks targeting various jurisdictions can regenerate and expand.

The consequences of this transformation are already visible. Afghanistan has re-emerged as a regional epicentre of terrorism. The spill into Pakistan has been particularly severe. In 2025 alone, Pakistan witnessed more than 600 attacks attributed to the TTP, resulting in nearly 2,000 deaths and thousands of injuries. Many of these attacks originated from across the border.

The TTP remains the deadliest actor in this landscape. Often operating from Afghan territory, it has demonstrated enhanced capabilities. It now uses drones and mounts coordinated assaults targeting both civilians and security forces. The persistence of such attacks reflects not only the operational freedom enjoyed by these groups but also the limitations of diplomatic efforts aimed at securing Afghan action against them.

At the heart of this evolving threat lies an aggressive ideology. Under the leadership of Sheikh Hibatullah Akhundzada, Afghanistan’s governance structure has evolved to align with a rigid doctrinal framework. This transformation is most evident in the rapid expansion of the madrassa network. Since 2021, the number of seminaries has reportedly grown from approximately 13,000 to over 23,000. Enrollment has reportedly surged from 1.5 million to nearly 3 million.

These institutions are no longer peripheral to Afghan society; they have become central to governance and social control. The madrassas function as instruments of ideological conditioning. This effort is reinforced by legal mechanisms, including the introduction of a code of criminal procedure that institutionalises strict hierarchies, curtails dissent and stresses on obedience.

The result is an integrated system of indoctrination and enforcement. Ideological conformity is not only encouraged but systematically produced and sustained. Importantly, the framework is not confined. Its doctrinal underpinnings have trans-national implications.

The infrastructure feeds directly into operational networks. The madrassa system acts as a pipeline for recruitment, supplying a steady stream of volunteers to militant organisations. This has created an ecosystem in which ideology and militancy sustain each other.

Recent reports show that Taliban governance has not dismantled these networks. In some cases, it has enabled their integration into state structures. The TTP alone is estimated to have 5,000- 7,000 fighters. Elements of ETIM have reportedly been absorbed into local policing roles, blurring the line between state authority and militant actors. Al-Qaeda continues to maintain a presence, providing training and strategic support to several groups. The ISIS-K retains operational depth in northern regions.

This convergence of ideology, infrastructure and militancy echoes historical precedents. In the late 1990s, Afghanistan became a sanctuary for Al-Qaeda under Taliban rule, enabling the group to plan and execute attacks in several countries, including the 1998 US embassy bombings and the September 2001 attacks. The current environment bears striking similarities.

The regional implications of these developments are profound. Afghanistan is no longer a contained crisis; it is exporting insecurity. Besides Pakistan, there have been signs of spillover in Central Asia. There have been cross-border attacks into Tajikistan, including some targeting foreign interests.

Pakistan has absorbed the immediate impact of this instability and has been working to prevent its further spread. Its security forces have borne the brunt of cross-border terrorism. Its counterterrorism efforts have been instrumental in limiting the scale of regional fallout.

The metaphor of Pakistan being a ‘lid’ on a pressure vessel is increasingly apt. The pressure has been intensifying.

The challenge today is not merely to contain but also to address the root causes of instability. Without meaningful efforts to disrupt the nexus between ideology and militancy in Afghanistan, the risk of escalation remains high. Regional cooperation, international oversight and sustained diplomatic engagement will be essential in preventing the situation from deteriorating further.


The author works for The News. He can be contacted at [email protected]

Cross-border militancy