he Jamaat-i-Islami completed 85 years of its existence last week. The enduring question about the party is not one of longevity or ideological consistency but of electoral performance. Despite claiming to represent ordinary Pakistanis and maintaining one of the country’s most organised political structures, it has struggled to translate grassroots activism into broad-based electoral success.

As we speak, the party established by Syed Abul A’la Maududi in August 1941 in Lahore, is protesting against high fuel prices. The party’s current chief, Hafiz Naeem-ur Rehman, is leading the protest demonstrations and sit-ins across Pakistan to demand relief. The party has warned of a potential countrywide strike and a long march towards Islamabad if the government does not meet the demand.

The Jamaat has traditionally performed better as a pressure group and welfare organisation than an electoral machine. Compared to its street politics and efforts to connect with the masses, it has fared worse in electoral politics. It secured sixth position in the 2024 general elections. According to Election Commission of Pakistan data, it polled a total of 1.3 million votes, falling to third position amongst religious parties—behind Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Fazl. It stood sixth overall with 2.3 percent of the national vote.

2024 was not the first election it had not fared well in.

Since the early 1990s, the party has seen mixed results. When allied with other parties, it has done relatively well. After winning eight National Assembly seats (as part of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad led by Nawaz Sharif) in the 1990 elections, it went on to 45 seats (as a pillar of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal) in 2002 polls. It bagged 14 and 12 seats in the 2013 and 2018 elections, respectively. It stayed away from the 1997 and 2008 elections.

Several factors have been cited to explain the mixed performance. Many say its rigid ideological image and moderate stance in politics confuse the voters.

The Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan, a comparatively new outfit, outperformed it on account of clarity and focus. The TLP took away a considerable portion of its voter base in the Punjab. The Saad Rizvi-led TLP drew strong support, particularly in the urban Punjab and parts of Sindh, outpolling traditional religious heavyweights. The JI maintained a traditional, geographically broad-based party structure, picking up substantial numbers in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the Punjab, alongside strong localised presence (such as in Karachi in local/ provincial contexts), but lagged behind TLP in terms of aggressive street-power and vote bank.

Many say the Jamaat’s rigid ideological image and moderate stance in politics confuse the voters. 

Parties like the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf have strong local patronage networks. In the Punjab, voters have drifted towards ethnic parties, charismatic leaders and patronage politics. The Jamaat has relied on a disciplined and structured cadre of members. It has built strong social networks and charities, but it continues to struggle with electoral campaigns.

To be fair, official election results are hardly a reliable yardstick for measuring actual popularity. For decades, the establishment has been viewed as a key determinant of political outcomes. After the overthrow of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977, the JI supported Gen Zia-ul Haq for a while (three Jamaat members became ministers in his cabinet). It also supported his ‘Islamisation’ campaign. Allegations of manipulation have clouded several general elections.

Jamaat-i-Islami’s deputy emir Liaqat Baloch has said: “For 85 years, we have practiced principled politics. Because we chose a political path informed by religious values, certain domestic and external forces have consistently sought to block our route to power so that the outdated system may continue. We remain committed to establishing a society in accordance with Islamic principles through political struggle. We adhere to democratic traditions in line with Islamic principles.”

That said, the party’s influence cannot be measured solely by the number of seats in the parliament. Through its student wing, charitable networks, religious organisations and issue-based campaigns, the Jamaat has often punched above its electoral weight, shaping public discourse and influencing policy debate. The question remains: if its message is truly rooted in the concerns of the ordinary people, why has that message not consistently translated into enough votes?

85 years on, that question lacks a convincing answer.

The writer has been an editor at the BBC in Pakistan for over two decades. Currently, he is the managing editor at Independent Urdu.