ext month, the federal government will complete half of its mandated term. The provincial administrations have already crossed the halfway mark. Some critics have said that these governments seem to have lost track of their plans and policies. They have suggested that the government have run out of steam and stamina: “We are at a crossroads once again where allies start warning of countdowns, the opposition can sense round-the-corner revolutions and ministers feel the need to say that the government will complete its term.”

Over the centuries, political philosophers have rarely attributed the decline and fall of states and governments to poor luck. Instead they have mentioned poor design, bad policies and weak institutions. Machiavelli once wrote: “Unhappy, on the contrary, is the republic which, not having at the beginning fallen into the hands of a sagacious and skillful legislator, is herself obliged to reform her laws. More unhappy still is the republic which from the first has diverged from a good constitution.”

Many political leaders in Pakistan–like in other lands–have exhibited a tendency to blame others for their failures. Academics worldwide, however, have been reluctant to buy the excuses advanced by politicians for their less than satisfactory performance. Ludwig von Mises famously announced that “the worst evils which mankind have ever had to endure were inflicted by bad governance.”

A perfunctory promenade down memory lane would bring back an image of PML-N leaders talking of their good intentions, well-laid plans and persistent hard work for the public good. They would mention the motorways; the laptops; and the Daanish schools.

The manifesto for the 2024 elections promised inflation restraint, job creation, economic growth, deficit reduction, improved tax recovery, electric grid integration, lower electricity costs, speedy justice through judicial and administrative reforms, social development, public welfare, citizen empowerment and diaspora engagement.

Once the dust settled after the polls, it was clear that the PML-N could not form a government at the Centre without the support of the Pakistan Peoples Party. Nawaz Sharif could no more be the prime minister. The PPP would not join the cabinet. The finance and interior portfolios went to establishment nominees.

Given the large number of independents in the parliament, most of them backed by former prime minister Imran Khan, and the PPP sitting on the fence, a hybrid system became a ‘necessity.’ Thus came about an administration led by the PML-N and supported by the PPP, the MQM-P, the PML-Q, the IPP, the PML-Z, the BAP and the NP.

The situation is precarious. The interior minister has announced that the governance system has collapsed.

If it were not for the armed forces' heroic performance in May 2025 and unprecedented mediation between the United States and Iran in their ongoing conflict, the administration would have little to show for its 30 months in power.

No matter how government leaders choose to defend their performance in power, critics say, these 30 months are likely to be remembered in Pakistan’s political history as a time when all four pillars of the state—the Legislature, the Judiciary, the Executive and the Press—registered visible loss of prominence. The situation is precarious. The interior minister has publicly said that the governance system has collapsed and requires re-engineering. His remarks have prompted a cacophony.

Both PML-N governments face daunting economic, political and structural hurdles. The federal government is heavily reliant on a shaky alliance with the PPP. Tensions over elections in Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir, policy direction and governance have prompted the PPP to withhold crucial legislative support and boycott parliamentary proceedings, resulting in embarrassing lack of quorum in the National Assembly.

Official claims of economic potency and proficiency aside, the federal government’s record on economy has been described by some experts as abysmal. Some critics say that the IMF conditions are forcing the Centre to keep fuel and electricity prices high and expand. “This has deepened public resentment and is hurting the working and middle classes,” they say.

Political polarisation has intensified over the last two-and-a-half years. Ongoing friction with the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf continues to destabilise the political landscape, draining administrative focus and threatening regular legislative stability. The PML-N is widely regarded as lacking the independence of action to deal with the PTI.

The security situation remains unenviable. The persistent violence along the western borders demands continuous resource allocation and military-civilian coordination.

High prices of key farming inputs, disagreements over support prices and climate-induced strain have left the rural economy vulnerable and agrarian workers dissatisfied.

"Unsatisfactory" performance of the provincial governments has allowed the debate over whether to split provinces or empower local governments to be revived. Can gestures like distributing free laptops or heavily subsidised scooties for students then win over enough of the youth? Only time will tell.

The writer is the resident editor of The News International in Islamabad.