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As we mark the International Day of Democracy today, we will hear no shortage of messages from our political leaders about the importance of democracy and the need to strengthen it. Yet the reality in Pakistan tells a different story. Over the years, we have witnessed a consistent decline in democratic norms and institutions, for which there are several reasons. In the almost eight decades since independence, Pakistan has experienced several dictatorships and even during periods of civilian rule, unelected power has always lurked behind the scenes, sometimes in the shadows and at other times in full view. There was some hope of a genuine democratic revival after the 2008 elections and the end of the Musharraf era. The PPP and PML-N had signed the Charter of Democracy (CoD), committing themselves to fighting for democratic rights while remaining within the system. The 18th Amendment followed. But then came 2017-18 and a new project damaged our already fragile democracy in more ways than one. Between 2008 and 2018, two prime ministers were ousted.
In all honesty, Pakistan has arguably always had a ‘hybrid system’ in one form or another. Post-2018, the two mainstream opposition parties were hounded, yet continued to call on the government to work together for the sake of democracy. That never happened – and here we are. Today, the judiciary has been considerably weakened, while political parties appear to be competing for the top slot through cooperation and cooption. None of this absolves political parties of responsibility. Their biggest failure after the 18th Amendment was their failure to deliver on their promise of empowered local governments. Sixteen years on, no province has an empowered local government system. The 18th Amendment was meant to devolve power not only from the centre to the provinces but also from provinces to local governments. Yet the PML-N, PPP and PTI still all favour centralised power, keeping authority with chief ministers rather than sharing it at the grassroots.
Our political parties celebrate figures such as New York’s Zohran Mamdani and London’s Sadiq Khan, but do not want local Mamdanis or Khans emerging to challenge their power. This fear of power-sharing and new grassroots leadership is perhaps their greatest democratic failure. Being in cahoots with the powers-that-be against political rivals is a betrayal of democracy. But breaking their own promise to devolve power is a profound betrayal of the people who elected them, trusted them and expected their lives to improve. This is also why rational debate about creating more provinces or administrative units so often gives way to emotional rhetoric rather than addressing the underlying questions of governance and power. The ruling elite must understand that unless power is genuinely devolved, they too will lose whatever little relevance remains.
