One National Assembly. One federal government. Forty constitutionally protected district/city governments. Abdul Rahman Kakar lives in Killa Abdullah, Balochistan’s poorest district, where roughly 97 per cent of the population is multidimensionally poor. An MNA claims to represent him. An MPA claims to represent him. Together, they help elect a senator who also claims to speak for him. A local councillor represents him too. Four layers of representation. Over the years, many of those who represent Abdul Rahman Kakar have accumulated wealth, influence and privilege. Abdul Rahman Kakar remains poor.
Today Pakistan has several layers of legislators representing essentially the same citizen: senator, MNA, MPA and local councillor. Pakistan also maintains six legislative assemblies, each costing roughly Rs15 billion a year – around Rs90 billion combined. A unicameral model would simplify the structure: one national legislature for national laws, and one local government for local delivery.
One legislature for national laws – defence, foreign affairs, currency, macroeconomy, national taxation framework and national standards. Empowered local governments for delivery – schools, clinics, water, sanitation, local roads, policing, land use and municipal services.
District and city governments must have constitutionally protected revenue streams and predictable transfers. Otherwise, Islamabad will merely replace Lahore, Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar as the new dispenser of patronage. Poorer districts must receive formula-based transfers based on population, poverty, geography and service gaps.
All district heads should have fixed terms, published budgets, service-delivery KPIs and independent audits. One executive. One budget. One balance sheet. One voter verdict. Look closer: This is not One Unit. One Unit concentrated authority upward. This model does the opposite: it moves authority, money and accountability downward to cities and districts.
Will Pakistan need elected provincial assemblies if most service delivery is pushed down to districts and cities? Yes, we can retain Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan as geographical, cultural or statistical regions without necessarily retaining full-scale provincial political governments.
Red alert: The political middle disappears.
For Abdul Rahman Kakar, at least three layers of intermediaries sit between his vote and his services. Over the past four years, Rs14.4 trillion began its journey from Islamabad towards Lahore, Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar. The money reached the provincial capitals. But Killa Abdullah saw little or no evidence of it on the ground.
The reality: The money moved. Delivery did not.
Prescription: Shorten the distance between Abdul Rahman Kakar and the state. Under a two-tier model, the centre would set national taxes and standards, while constitutionally guaranteed transfers would go directly to district and city governments. The district government would build and control local schools, clinics, sanitation, roads, policing, and land use – and citizens would know exactly whom to hold responsible.
Rethinking governance is not about abolishing provinces for the sake of abolition but about replacing layers with delivery. Fewer governments at the top. More power at the bottom. Less political intermediation. More direct accountability.
The governing principle is subsidiarity. National functions should remain national. Local functions should become local. Growth should be local. Delivery should be local. Equalisation should be national. Accountability should be direct. Pakistan does not need more layers of government. It needs a clearer division of responsibility between the centre and the citizen.
The test is not how many assemblies Pakistan has. The test is whether Abdul Rahman Kakar’s life changes. The closer the government moves to Abdul Rahman Kakar, the stronger Pakistan becomes.
The writer is a columnist based in Islamabad. He tweets/posts @saleemfarrukh and can be reached at: [email protected]
