After multiple delays, the Gilgit-Baltistan general election was finally conducted on June 7, 2026. According to official figures, more than 96,300 registered voters, including approximately 560,000 men and 390,000 women exercised their democratic right to elect representatives to the Gilgit-Baltistan General Assembly. The electoral cycle saw the participation of around 403 candidates across 24 constituencies under the Election Act 2017.
The electorate cast their votes based on diverse considerations, including political loyalty, family influences, sectarian affiliations, ethnic identities, progressive thought and perceptions of candidates’ competencies. With the completion of both the pre-polling and polling phases, citizens have entrusted their chosen representatives with renewed hopes for political responsiveness, socio-economic development and institutional reforms.
However, the most consequential phase of the electoral process often begins after the ballots have been counted. The central question revolves around the formation of the government and the composition of the new cabinet.
Historically, political developments in GB have remained closely intertwined with federal power dynamics, whereby the ruling party at the centre has generally succeeded in forming the government. The political landscape of the 2026 general election presents a more complex scenario. The PPP emerged as the largest political party in terms of seats secured, winning nearly twice as many constituencies as the ruling PML-N at the federal level. Simultaneously, a new political actor, the Istehkam-e-Pakistan Party (IPP), despite failing to secure a direct electoral victory in any constituency, persuaded four independently elected candidates to join its ranks.
However, it would be analytically incomplete to view electoral competition in GB solely through the prism of democratic participation. The region continues to operate within a highly bureaucratised administrative structure and under the control of law-enforcement agencies, where mainstream political parties have always dominated the region’s electoral space and formed governments.
Consequently, a critical question persists: will the new cabinet genuinely advance grassroots political empowerment and participatory governance, or will it continue to perceive the region through the lens of national power politics, strategic utility, electoral expansion, patronage and resource control?
As Afzal Shigri argues, the people of GB take part in the electoral process and form governments, yet the substantive instruments of authority remain beyond their control. This phenomenon can be attributed to the tendency of mainstream political parties to preserve their influence through a patronage-based political structure, reliance on local elites dependent upon federal authority, avoidance of genuine constitutional and political issues, and the expansion of bureaucratic structures that cultivate political loyalties.
Consequently, this arrangement has resulted in the emergence of nominal legislators entrusted with limited local matters, while strategic decisions, constitutional questions, resource frameworks and fiscal dependency are controlled from elsewhere. Meanwhile, indigenous political forces remain largely marginalised and have consistently failed to secure meaningful electoral representation across constituencies.
Beyond its constitutional predicament, the region has continued to confront ongoing governance and development challenges since its accession to Pakistan in 1947. The overwhelming pro-Pakistan sentiments demonstrated during the freedom struggle reflected the aspiration to join a newly born Islamic state that would guarantee constitutional recognition, political inclusion and democratic rights.
Seventy-eight years have passed, yet the region continues to be administered through a colonial-era state apparatus that has perpetuated political exclusion, limited local autonomy and the exploitation of local resources.
Now, it is imperative to transform this crisis-prone region into a model of sustainable development and effective governance. The newly elected leadership must rise above political rivalries to collectively pursue the region’s socio-economic advancement and welfare.
Apart from education and health, five major sectors demand the immediate attention of the newly constituted legislative assembly. Foremost among these is the climate crisis, to which the region remains highly vulnerable. Recurring GLOFs, flash floods and river erosion annually devastate valleys, damage infrastructure, destroy agricultural land and inflict substantial losses on livestock assets. Therefore, climate adaptation policies must be revised and closely aligned with ground realities through meaningful community participation and the integration of indigenous knowledge.
Second, the region faces a severe energy crisis. Despite an estimated hydropower potential of 40,000MW, residents continue to endure electricity outages lasting up to 15 hours daily. Addressing this crisis requires a comprehensive, integrated policy that will also reduce dependence on fossil fuels and accelerate the transition to a diversified clean energy mix. Most importantly, projects should not be politicised.
Third, weak land governance remains a persistent challenge. Local communities are increasingly entangled in land disputes and continue to struggle for the right of Haq-e-Malkiyat. Large-scale land expropriation and an accumulative development model have further restricted community access to communal land (shamilat and high-altitude pastures). Revised land reforms must be introduced to address the concerns and reservations surrounding the current proposed land reform bill.
Moreover, the question of Haq-e-Hakmiyat should not remain confined to electoral rhetoric. Since 1947, the region has remained in constitutional limbo and alienated from mainstream politics. Until the resolution of the Kashmir issue, the region should be granted greater political empowerment and legislative autonomy.
Lastly, the region’s poor infrastructure has challenged not only the tourism industry but also local entrepreneurship and everyday socio-economic activity. In particular, the deteriorating condition of the Juglot-Skardu Road (JSR) has caused significant economic losses and numerous fatalities. The newly elected representatives must prioritise infrastructure upgradation and connectivity reforms as a collective agenda.
The region is witnessing a new era of political transformation. Well-educated, politically conscious and digitally connected young leaders have entered mainstream politics. If the region’s substantive challenges continue to be overshadowed by symbolic politics, strong resistance is likely to emerge, challenging the existing political legitimacy by demanding accountability, empowerment, and meaningful governance reforms.
The writer is an independent researcher. He can be reached at:[email protected]
